Tuesday, 12 April 2011

Sustainable Development in the Coastal City of Karachi




Introduction

KarachiCommunity development is the tool by which "people empower themselves by increasing their ability to control their own lives in order to create a more fulfilling existence through mutual efforts to resolve shared problems" (Maser, 1997). In the early years of international development assistance, development initiatives were largely driven by a "top-to-bottom" approach. Projects were organised and executed by government's line departments, which often produced inappropriate solutions. For the past 20 years there has been a steady increase in new community development activities largely by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the voluntary and donor sectors. As a result, community development initiatives have been transformed to what is now known as the "bottom-up" approach. This approach is based on the principle that people living in a community are the best source of information and the best resource to manage their needs.
Community development occurs when donor agencies, NGOs or strong-minded individuals and groups introduce new initiatives for change. While communities may develop in different ways, community development is often identified with increasing the skills, knowledge and abilities of local residents. It also increases the ability of the community as a whole so that the acquired skills may be used to create strategies that take advantage of changing circumstances. Community development involves economic systems, local institutions, political leadership, social and cultural structures, and community spirit and participation (Hines, 1998).
How have communities evolved through development initiatives? How are they managing local resources, successfully or unsuccessfully? It is possible to look at these differences in examples of community development.
The coastal city of Karachi has experienced a variety of such community development initiatives. Some initiatives emerged as a spontaneous response by communities working on a self-help basis; others were driven by donors. There is a marked difference in the organisation and functioning of these two types of initiatives. Karachi's interesting mix of community initiatives is positive for local communities, and motivates their participation. This diversity is illustrated by a variety of approaches to sustainable community development, which together comprise this Case Study. The selected initiatives include the following:
  • Urban model for community development: Orangi Pilot Project:
  • Mangrove conservation: IUCN's Korangi Ecosystem Project
  • Industry
    1. Freshwater conservation: Haleji Lake
    2. Power generation: Hub Power Company
    3. Leather industry: Pakistan Tanneries Association



*This case was completed under the guidance of Abid A. Burki who prepared the template for this case, read several drafts, offered comments and made numerous improvements throughout the writing process of this case. We have also benefited enormously from many useful comments made by Gillian Martin Mehers, Ali Tauqeer Sheikh, Naseer Ahmad Memon, Mazhar Iqbal Shaikh and M. Rafi Ghaus on an earlier draft. Our thanks also go to several colleagues at LEAD-Pakistan for their continued support and assistance in more ways than we can count. We also wish to express our gratitude to Shabbir Ahmad Qasuri for his research assistance. Finally, we wish to thank all the people from the projects who took the time to meet with us and provided us with essential information to write the case study.

Background

Karachi is the capital of the province of Sindh. The largest city in Pakistan, its diverse population is over 9 million. It is situated on the eastern coast of the Arabian Sea, surrounded by beaches such as Clifton Beach, French Beach, Hawks Bay, Sand Spit and Paradise Point.
This ultra-modern city has many bazaars, hi-tech electronic shops, old buildings and modern hotels. An influx of people from all parts of Pakistan has led to an enormous rise in the population and the emergence of several residential colonies to accommodate the new residents.
Karachi's recorded history goes back many centuries, to a time when it was a small fishing village known as Kolachi. With the rapid development of its seaport and harbour, Karachi progressively grew into a mega-city and an important centre for international trade, business and industry. The city has played a vital and dominant role in Pakistan's economy. Karachi became the capital of Pakistan after Independence in 1947, adding to its importance. Although the seat of Government has now been shifted to Islamabad, Karachi still remains the epicentre of commerce and industry.
Karachi was also the gateway to the Indus Valley civilisation, which flourished around 2,500 B.C. In fact, the ports used today were used at that time for trading activities with other civilisations. The Indus Valley was home to the largest of the four ancient urban civilisations of China, Egypt, India and Mesopotamia. Most of the Indus Valley ruins, including major cities, remain to be excavated.
In rural and urban areas of Pakistan, residents suffer from a growing list of problems including lack of employment opportunities, erosion of public infrastructure, and inadequate educational facilities. One of the most challenging problems is the increasing lack of involvement from governmental authorities. In response, communities have become increasingly active in arenas that once were considered outside their concern. This case study will establish a framework for understanding the emergence of complex community development. Examples from local initiatives will be used to illustrate the challenges related to community development.

Urban model for community development: Orangi Pilot Project

In recent years, Karachi has experienced an influx of migrants from all parts of Pakistan in search of a source of livelihood and better opportunities. Many of the migrants to large cities settle in katchi abadis (slums) where municipal infrastructure such as roads, water supplies and drainage is either under enormous strain or non-existent.
Karachi has about 650 katchi abadis, which are home to 40 percent of the city's population (Human Rights Education Programme, 1998). While there are many types of community development models being used elsewhere in the world, the models followed in Pakistan fall into two categories: those designed for urban slums and those for rural areas.
The urban model is based on the success of the Orangi Pilot Project (OPP). The Orangi Township is Pakistan's largest katchi abadi. Located in the western part of the city, this katchi abadi was established in the 1960s and it now covers an area of 8000 acres. The 100,000 houses in the area are home to approximately one million people belonging to lower and lower-middle income groups (World Resource Institution, 1997). Like other slum localities in Pakistan, Orangi Township lacked all civic amenities until 1980. The OPP is a story of local people organising themselves and taking initiatives on their own to build basic infrastructure for their community.
Originally, the OPP was undertaken in 1980 as a demonstration by a renowned Pakistani social scientist, Akhtar Hameed Khan. He organised 20 families in one lane to work on a self-help basis to develop sewage and drainage system for the local community and a solid road network. Initially, the residents provided free labour to build the system, but they expected financial assistance from the government for the cost of materials. They soon realised that government assistance would not be forthcoming. Encouraged by Akhtar Hameed Khan, community members generated the necessary funds by contributing $34 per house, and they provided labour on a purely voluntary basis. With the community's investment, the demonstration project was a success. Today, 72,000 households are served by sewers constructed by the residents of Orangi Township, with technical assistance from the OPP. The Orangi community has contributed US$ 2 million to build a sewage system, which traditionally is the responsibility of the government (World Resource Institution, 1997).
Once the sewage programme proved successful, the OPP slowly expanded to other development initiatives: basic health and family planning, credit and savings for small enterprises, upgrading of physical and academic conditions of local schools, and women's participation in development. Health concerns were an important motivator, specifically among mothers and their children. However, because of women's segregation in this society, conventional gender development models proved to be inadequate. In some areas of Pakistan, customs, laws, religious beliefs and attitudes confine women to their homes. To overcome these obstacles, a mobile health-training clinic, consisting of women doctors and educators, was organised to meet with groups of women in small neighborhoods. The OPP has strengthened the position of women in the Orangi community and has reinforced their participation in community activities.
In 1988, the project was upgraded and four autonomous institutions were established: (1) the OPP Research and Training Institute, (2) the Orangi Charitable Trust, (3) the Karachi Health and Social Development Association and (4) the OPP Society, which channels funds to these institutions from a Pakistani Charity, the Infaq Foundation. In 1992, a fifth institution called the Rural Development Trust was also established. The objective of these OPP institutions is to analyse outstanding problems with the help of the community members and to suggest viable solutions through technical assistance/advice, action research and education. These institutions have independent governing bodies with their own sources of income such as grants, donations and household contributions. All programmes are evaluated regularly and are modified on the basis of changing needs within the community. In essence, these programmes provide an enabling environment by mobilising local resources and by facilitating cooperative action through social and technical guidance.
Due to the success of the OPP, the Government of Pakistan and international donor agencies have replicated OPP's development strategy in other urban areas of Pakistan, after introducing necessary modifications to reflect local conditions and community needs.
The example of the OPP shows that the success of a community development initiative is not determined by the extent of the problem but it is determined by the extent of network resources that are mobilised to address the problem. The OPP development initiative has allowed residents to build new relationships and to launch themselves into self-organisation and self-sufficiency.

Summary of rural model

The Rural Support Programme (RSP) builds on broad-based participatory organisations whose membership consists of all adults in a community. Decision-making is done by the general body of the organisation, rather than by executive committees or elected representatives. The identification, implementation and maintenance of projects are undertaken by the community organisation, with technical and financial assistance provided by development agencies. The RSP model advocates collaboration with all institutions present within the area where development initiatives are underway. The community members work closely with representatives of government departments and all other stakeholders. As a result, this model has been successful in its development of relationships and community initiatives through help, support and guidance from government departments.
The rural model works with government departments, while the urban model does not. This is the major difference between them. Both models have been replicated in different parts of Pakistan and have experienced varying levels of success (Hussain, 1993). Additional examples of rural development in Pakistan may also be found in the case studies for Potohar Plateau and Peshawar & Swat in this resource.

Mangrove conservation: IUCN's Korangi Ecosystem Project

Mangroves are inter-tidal forests with great economic and ecological significance. The mangrove conservation efforts in Karachi provides another illustration of sustainable community development. Mangroves represent a unique type of ecosystem mostly found in salty habitats.
In Pakistan, mangroves are found along the southern borders of the country along the coast of Sindh and Balochistan. The Indus Delta extends to an area of approximately 600,000 hectares of which 160,000 consists of mangrove forests. These are unique in the sense that they are considered to be the largest area of arid climate mangroves in the world. At one time, eight different species of mangroves could be found in Pakistan, but today only four of them can be seen, e.g., Avicennia marina, Rhizophora mucronata, Ceriops tagal and Aegiceras corniculata (WWF, 1997).
In the Karachi area, 135,000 people depend on the mangroves for their livelihood. For villages surrounding the forests, the mangroves provide food, fodder and fuel-wood. There are approximately 100,000 people who take a total of 18,000 tonnes of fuel-wood each year from the mangroves (Davis, 1993). In addition, 3,200 buffaloes and 6,000 camels also consume some 67 million kilograms of leaves and 19.5 million kilograms of grass (Qureshi, 1992). Much of Pakistan's fishing industry relies on the fish found in the mangroves, notably shrimp, which are the principal fisheries export of Pakistan. Of the US$ 100 million that Pakistan earns in fisheries foreign exchange, shrimp accounts for 68 percent (Davis, 1993). Mangroves are also important for recreation purposes with high potential for eco-tourism. The Indus Delta is an important migratory route for millions of waterfowl that need to feed and breed during the winter months. Some 80 species of birds, such as pelicans, flamingoes and herons may be found in the Indus Delta mangroves (IUCN, 1999). Mangrove forests also provide protection to the coastal areas from strong winds and ocean currents. Their vegetation also helps in reducing coastline erosion because the roots collect sediments that flow into the sea from the river.
Over the past 13 years, the degradation of Pakistan's mangroves has occurred at the rate of 6 percent per annum. As a result, only 16 percent of Pakistan's mangroves are thought to be healthy (Qureshi, 1992). The most harmful environmental stress that the mangroves face today derives largely from human activity. The steady growth of a major industrial city within the vicinity, the untreated sewage and industrial discharge, the increase in the demand for fuel wood, overgrazing and over-exploitation of resources are just a few of the strains on the mangrove's ecosystem. Steel mills, refineries and power stations are some of the large polluting industries found in the area. Tanneries are perhaps the worst. Their untreated effluents, massively loaded with heavy metals, are being disposed daily into the sea, thereby contaminating the food chain. High concentrations of heavy metal such as lead, zinc, copper, nickel, cadmium, mercury and cobalt have recently been recorded in marine biota and sediments (Davis, 1993). They are hazardous and poisonous for all forms of life.
Siltation - the increased salinity and reduction of incoming freshwater flows - also threatens the survival of the mangrove ecosystem. The estimated available freshwater flow of the Indus Delta is about 180 billion-m, carrying with it some 400 million tones of silt. However, construction of dams and irrigation channels has reduced the annual flow that reaches the mangroves to less than 43 billion m (Davis, 1993). Low levels of freshwater are related to a lack of metreing of the water used by surrounding industries. For example, Kinjhar Lake, which supplies freshwater to mangroves, is threatened with low levels of water. The reduced flow of freshwater has increased the soil salinity and has detrimentally affected the growth process of wildlife and vegetation.
Efforts to mitigate the adverse effects of pollution on mangroves focus on conservation and the management of the area. The World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) and the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) have undertaken a range of conservation initiatives in the area. One example is the Korangi Ecosystem Project administered by the IUCN.
Eco-tourism is the focus of IUCN's Korangi Ecosystem Project. Along with a one� kilometre boardwalk built in the mangroves, IUCN has undertaken basic environmental training with local teachers on environmental and conservation issues. IUCN began its operations by slowly building close relationships with the residents, in order to include surrounding communities in the conservation efforts. At first, communities in the area were not very receptive to this initiative, due mainly to their lack of knowledge about conservation issues. When they started trusting IUCN, however, they became open to receiving information about conservation and fuel-wood alternatives such as fuel-efficient stoves. Some time later, local communities assisted in the re-planting of trees which was�done in the most severely degraded areas.
Recently, The World Bank proposed that the mangrove area become a national park, and the IUCN asked that the area be designated a biosphere reserve. The biosphere reserve may serve to protect and contribute to the conservation of the area as well as foster economic and human development, enabling the communities to manage the natural resources themselves and ensure sustainability (Quraishy, 2000). Because of the high dependence of villagers on the mangrove resources, these proposals do not seem very practical to many.
Presently, there are three government bodies - the Sindh Forest Department, the Port Qasim Authority and the Board of Revenue - that control and manage different areas of the mangroves. However, only the Forest Department is involved in conservation efforts with the help of NGOs. Therefore, only a small change has been brought about in conservation of the mangroves of the area.

Industry and freshwater conservation: Haleji Lake

High levels of pollution and rapid urban sprawl are threatening many of Pakistan's natural sites. It was recently reported that some of the nation's most beautiful natural sites, including Haleji Lake, were in serious danger of being destroyed (Quraishy, 2000).
Haleji Lake, designated as a Ramsar1 site in 1976, is located 80 km from Karachi and covers an area of about 12-16 km. The lake is set in stony desert of limestone and sandstone surrounded by marshes and lagoons. The lake area is considered to be Asia's largest wildlife sanctuary. At one time, maximum counts of wintering birds surpassed 100,000 with over 200 species having been recorded. However, the number of species in the area is rapidly decreasing due to a number of problems. Although internationally protected, this site has become endangered and has come close to extinction.
Haleji Lake was formed many years ago when seasonal rainwater accumulated in a shallow depression along with water gathering from a neighbouring saline lagoon. The lake was drained in the 1930s and transformed into a freshwater reservoir because military troops stationed in Karachi needed freshwater supplies (Sindh Wildlife Management Board, 1986). It was re-flooded with water coming from nearby Kinjhar Lake. Two main factors are cited as the source of lake's degradation: eutrophication2 and bad governance. Before it was converted into a reservoir in the 1930s, the lake was in perfect balance with nature's ecosystem. By altering it into a freshwater basin, the lake's survival has become dependent on a continuous intake of freshwater and regular weed-cutting operations. However, all maintenance operations were abandoned a few years ago when the freshwater supply from Haleji Lake to Karachi City ceased. Weeds proliferated and accumulated, causing the oxygen levels in the lake to drastically drop. Now the lake is slowly choking. All levels of the food chain have been affected, including microorganisms, insects, fish and birds. Quraishy writes:
"This violent upheaval in biological balance and disruption in chain life has turned Haleji Lake into a colossal cesspool of misery for its flora and fauna."
When Haleji Lake was designated as a Ramsar site, the Sind Government assigned the maintenance operations to preserve the lake's ecological balance to the Karachi Water and Sewage Board. However, when freshwater supplies from Haleji Lake were no longer needed for Karachi, the Karachi Water and Sewage Board ceased all its maintenance operations without consulting the provincial government or anyone else. Lack of technical knowledge and financial resources seem to have prompted this decision.
The WWF-Pakistan, which is designated to watch over all Ramsar sites in Pakistan, is the only NGO involved in conservation of the Haleji area. In collaboration with the Provincial Government, it has initiated eco-tourism initiatives in the area. To create awareness about conservation and eco-tourism, it has also initiated dialogue with the surrounding communities. To clear the area from accumulating vegetation, the WWF-Pakistan is encouraging local residents to use lotus and other plants in the lake as fodder. Despite these well-intended conservation initiatives, the lake will continue to degrade until weed-cutting operations are resumed. Despite intervention by a Provincial Minister a few months ago, the weed cutting operations have not been resumed in the Haleji Lake (Pakistan Press International, 2000).
The communities around the Haleji Lake (declared a wildlife sanctuary) are extremely poor. They depend on the lake for fishing, farming and freshwater needs. People living in eleven villages around the lake are the direct stakeholders who also use lotus plant for their daily diet apart from using it for fodder and firewood (Environmental Management Consultants, 1999). Community development in the area has been neglected. The area has no electricity, no drinking water or sanitation facility, no nearby hospital and only one primary school. The question has been asked, "Does designating an area as [a] wildlife sanctuary in effect promote poverty and underdevelopment of affected communities?"

Industry and environmentally-sound practices: Power generation and leather tanneries

The state of the natural environment in a country is directly related to its level of industrial operations. With 45 percent of Pakistan's industries located in Karachi, the level of industrial pollution is growing at an unprecedented rate. Water pollution is causing the most severe damage to the surrounding environment and the health of residents. The linkage between industrial development and environmental degradation can have strong implications for sustainable community development in the region. Are community, national or global pressures forcing large industries to implement environmentally safe technologies? How so, and is the process gradual? In Pakistan, the national scene is characterised by the government's mounting pressure on industries to implement National Environmental Quality Standards (NEQs) for industrial effluents and air emissions.3 The implementation of environmentally-sound technologies in power generation and in the leather industry have helped community development.




1Ramsar sites are known as protected areas by the Convention on Wetlands signed in Ramsar, Iran, in 1971. It is an intergovernmental treaty that provides the framework for national action and international cooperation for the conservation and wise use of wetlands and their resources. There are presently 123 Contracting Parties to the Convention, with 1040 wetland sites, totaling 78.4 million hectares, designated for inclusion in the Ramsar List of Wetlands of International Importance.
2Eutrophication is an increase of nutritive substances (nitrate and phosphate) to a water recipient, and the results of this increase. Basically this occurs when plants die and sink to the bottom. Bacteria break down the dead plants dissolving oxygen in the water. When the levels of oxygen are too low, fish and other animals are in danger of dying.

Power generation: Hub Power Company

Whether power plants are run on fuel oils, gas or coal, they all affect the environment at some level. In addition, the construction or presence of a large power plant will in someway impact the lives of nearby communities.
There are two major types of pollution that result from power generation: water and air pollution. While few builders of power plants seem to give much thought to their impact on the surrounding environment, one company with a plant on the outskirts of Karachi is striving to enhance the rural area's social and economic development. The Hub Power Company (HUBCO) is a large, private-sector power company. HUBCO's 1200 megawatt plant is located 60 km from Karachi in Tehsil Hub, District Lasbella Balochistan (HUBCO, 1999b). Considerable investments have been made to meet environmental standards, and also to assist with the sustainable community development of 25 local communities.
Generating power includes many processes. The electricity at HUBCO is generated by four 323 megawatt oil-fired units that are supplied by a 78km long pipeline from Pakistan State Oil (HUBCO, 1999b). In simple terms, the electricity is produced when oil is heated with steam. In return, the high-pressure steam is used to activate the turbine, which creates electricity. The production process for power generation requires large quantities of water. Being near the coast, HUBCO retrieves 150 tones/hr of water from the Arabian Sea. In order to avoid corrosion and biological growth on the equipment, the seawater is pre-treated and desalinised. The large amounts of sludge created from this pre-treatment are disposed of at a nearby excavation site. Water is also used in the process for cooling the condensers. That wastewater is treated and discharged into the Hub River. In order to ensure the quality of the effluents discharged, control tests and analysis are carried out on a daily basis.
Boilers produce gas emissions, chiefly carbon dioxide (CO2), sulfur dioxide (SO2), nitrogen oxide (NOx) and particulate matter. At HUBCO, these emissions are discharged to a chimney 200 meters high. Although pollution created from power plants is usually considerable, HUBCO claims to follow strict environmental standards throughout its operations. In 1997, HUBCO became Pakistan's first company to obtain the Environmental Management System of the International Standard called ISO 14001 (HUBCO, 1999a).
HUBCO has consistently maintained a close working relationship with the Provincial Government and the inhabitants of the area. The Government of Balochistan is represented on the HUBCO Board of Directors. Because HUBCO took great care in establishing relations with 25 surrounding communities early in the project, it now has an excellent rapport with them. Since the project's inception, HUBCO has employed a number of local residents. Specifically, during the construction phase over 2000 locals were employed (HUBCO, 1999a). Today, approximately 300 locals have been trained to work at the power plant.
The most remarkable aspect of HUBCO is its social programme. The programme targets health and education for the neighboring communities. Some of the benefits provided to the communities include basic health services with free medicine, a mobile medical unit, construction of wells and water-storage tanks, provision of books and computers to schools, and bus services. It has also provided electricity to some of the nearby communities. Finally, an apprentice-training centre has been established for upgrading the technical skills of local residents. Although this programme is not one in which communities participated in establishing or implementing the development initiatives, they have nonetheless benefited from much-needed resources. However, this raises concerns as to how the community will sustain itself if and when HUBCO leaves the area. The drawbacks of this type of social programme are the dependencies and expectations that have now been embedded within these communities.



3The change for environmental solutions in the industrial sector became a reality when ten years ago, the Government of Pakistan adopted its environmental policy namely, the National Conservation Strategy. In 1993, Pakistan Environmental Protection Council (established under the strategy) approved the National Environmental Quality Standards under which new industries were given a one-year period to comply with the NEQS while already established industries were given a three-year grace period. However, by 1995 it became apparent that compliance with the new legislation was not satisfactory due to a lack of institutional capacity with access to the latest environmental technologies, lack of financial resources, lack of environmental consultants and demonstration studies. As a result, the majority of industries were unable to comply with the legislation. In response to this crisis, in 1996, the Federal Pakistan Chamber of Commerce and Industry, in collaboration with Government of the Netherlands, formed the Environmental Technology Programme for Industry (ETPI). The programme's objective was to promote environmentally safe technologies in the industrial sectors (Ahmed, 1998). Since its creation, ETPI has established a network among industrial sectors so that dissemination and communication of cleaner production initiatives and solutions could be shared more easily among industries. It also provided institutional support and extensive training to industries. Perhaps ETPI's biggest success has been its demonstration projects covering 20 industrial sub-sectors, which demonstrate economic feasibility and efficiency of environmental technologies.

Leather industry: Pakistan Tanneries Association

The leather industry is one of the country's largest exporters of manufactured goods, and probably the most polluting of all industries. There are close to 600 tanneries in Pakistan and the majority of them are located in the Karachi industrial area.
Leather exports earn close to US$ 700 million in foreign exchange for Pakistan and employ more than 200,000 workers (ETPI, 1998). Not only are the tanneries affecting the environment but also the health of their workers and surrounding communities. A report from the Environmental Technology Programme for Industry indicated that respiratory disorders and skin infections were very common among tannery workers (ETPI, 1998).
The tanning process involves four major steps: pre-tanning, tanning, wet finish and finish. Chrome tanning is the most widely used method in Pakistan. Leather tanneries essentially cause three types of pollution: water, solid waste and air emissions.
In the tanning process, large quantities of water are used to clean the skins and also to facilitate different chemical reactions. On average, a single tannery generates 574 m per day of wastewater (ETPI, 1998). The effluents, which are charged with heavy metals, trimmings, salts, hair and flesh, flow into an open storm-water channel into the sea. Ultimately these effluents reach the mangrove area. In addition, they cause serious implications for human health, particularly for coastal villagers. There is currently no treatment of the effluents from any of the tanneries in the Karachi area. The second type of pollution comes from solid waste. This includes 100 to 195 tonnes per day of trimmings, shavings, buffing and packaging materials (PTA, 2000). The third type of pollution comes from air emissions, primarily ammonia and hydrogen sulfide. Although both compounds are known to be hazardous to the environment and the workers that are exposed to them, no data exists on emission rates in tanneries.
Tanneries have yet to operate in an "environment-friendly" fashion. Many smaller industries do not have access to the financial resources required to implement new environmental technologies, a situation considered to be the primary constraint to industrial environmental compliance in Pakistan.
Despite this grim picture, the Pakistan Tanneries Association (PTA) is an independent organisation formed by tannery owners in the Korangi area. It has started working towards alleviating the pollution levels through its Environmental Management Project for Korangi Tanneries. The project encompasses six components: (1) combined effluent treatment; (2) effluent collection and conveyance system; (3) pre-treatment of effluents within tanneries; (4) chromium recovery and re-use plants; (5) solid water management programme and (6) an occupational health and safety programme. Unfortunately, many of the project's components are yet to be implemented due to financial constraints. When the project started in 1992, the Dutch Government was to provide most of the funding. However, due to a recent dispute between the Dutch Government and the PTA, funding was refused. The PTA asserts that the partnership ended because the Dutch Government wanted to solely implement its own environmental technologies. The PTA wanted a development initiative that would allow its members to make decisions and take actions; not merely to respond to recommendations made by the Dutch Government. Since tanneries now have to fund the changes, implementation of the Environmental Management Project for Korangi Tanneries has slowed dramatically. A few components have already made an impact, however.
The project's Occupational Health and Safety Programme is underway and making a difference. Initially, both workers and managers in the tanneries were not very receptive to the proposed programme. This was because the workers were paid on a piece-rate basis (i.e. the number of skins processed) and the proposed measures meant slower production and consequently lower paychecks. In addition, most workers were unaware of the potentially hazardous conditions in which they worked. After a few workshops, workers are slowly changing their habits to reflect safety standards.
The PTA's Korangi project has also supported members of the community affected by the polluting practices. Air emissions and untreated effluents from neighbouring tanneries directly affect one million or more residents of Korangi Township. Prior to the PTA's initiative, the efforts of residents to unite themselves in asking tanneries to make changes met with reluctance. The tanneries employ many in the area, and workers feared losing jobs if they made any demands. Today, community members are generally happy about the changes that are expected to occur. Although they are not participating in the project, the implementation of optimal systems for the conveyance, treatment and disposal of effluents, sludge and solid waste, may not only lessen environmental degradation but may also improve working conditions for the workers and may reduce health hazards for the area inhabitants.

Conclusion

What ties these initiatives together is that they illustrate how community development has become increasingly complex in response to global trends. To be successful and sustainable, community development will need to fully include the social, natural and economic environments.
Many challenges still remain despite the many development initiatives that have been undertaken in the Karachi area. Overall, the biggest challenge will be for all stakeholders to work together towards a common goal and to implement lessons learned into the country's development policies. For community development to progress, acquired knowledge must be implemented as part of development policies.
It will be essential for community members to represent themselves effectively by developing their capacities to convince governments that development at the community level is an investment, not a cost. In addition, cooperation between local organisations, residents and the various levels of government will need to be improved considerably. The roles and responsibilities of each stakeholder will need to be defined.
The same approach will need to be applied to natural resource conservation. With the increase in pollution levels, it will be essential that terrestrial, freshwater, estuarine and marine systems be protected and effectively managed. By judiciously managing the mangroves, for example, it might be possible to derive timber products from mangrove forests without significantly degrading the environment. Judicious management might also maintain their value as a nursery and a source of food for commercial fisheries and local communities. However, stakeholders would have to agree on how exactly the area should be managed and to what extent each of them would participate. This would include members from communities, government, local NGOs and members of industry. All of these stakeholders would need to work together to properly assess positive or negative impacts on the natural environment as well as the surrounding communities.
Although industrial development is providing employment, it is adversely affecting the natural environment and the livelihood of surrounding communities. Pakistan's environmental policy is aimed at remedying this situation. However, Pakistan's response to its environmental legislation has been predominantly reactive in nature. A small number of industries have taken a proactive approach, recognising that management of environmental problems on a voluntary basis enhances their corporate image.
While environmental compliance has not been easy to implement, it is highly unlikely that setting up international standards such as ISO 14001 will alter the situation. Ahmed has estimated that in the next 10 years, close to US$ 2 billion needs to be invested by industries to comply with the international standards and legislation, which is highly unlikely for a country like Pakistan (Ahmed, 1999).

References

Ahmed, M. (1999). Towards Independence from Environmental Problems. The Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry. Karachi.
Davis, T .J.(1993). Towards the Wise Use of Wetlands. File 16: Case Study. Ramsar Convention Bureau. Gland, Switzerland.
Environmental Management Consultants (1999). Study of Hal eji Lake. Internal Paper. Karachi, March.
ETPI (1998). The Leather Sector - Environmental Report. The Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry. Karachi.
Hines, D. (1998). Participation: An Approach to Reach the Poor. Paper from the Strategy and Policy Division, World Food Program. Rome.
HUBCO (1999a). Local Impact. Information Booklet. The Hub Power Company Limited Karachi.
HUBCO (1999b). An introduction to the Hub Power Company Limited. Information Booklet. The Hub Power Company Limited. Karachi.
Human Rights Education Program (1998). The Orangi Pilot Project. Aware Newsletter. Issue 3. May-August.
Husain, T. (1993). Community Participation: The First Principal. A National Conservation Strategy Sector Paper. No.1. Government of Pakistan. Islamabad.
IUCN - Pakistan (1999). The Indus Delta Mangroves. Information Brochure. International Union for the Conservation of Nature Union. Karachi.
Maser, C. (1997). Sustainable Community Development: Principles and Concepts. St. Lucie Press, Florida.
Orangi Pilot Project (2000). 82nd Quarterly Progress Report. Orangi Pilot Project. Karachi, June. Pakistan Press International (2000). Cleaning of Hal eji lake ordered. The Business Recorder. March 21.
Pakistan Tanneries Association (2000). Project Brief of the Environmental Management Project for KorangiTanneries. Pakistan Tanneries Association. Karachi.
Qureshi, T. (1992). Sustainable Management of Mangroves in the Indus Delta, The Korangi Ecosystem Project.Forest Department, Government of Sindh. Karachi.
Quraishy, A. (2000). Neglect Causing Hal eji Lake to Dry Up. Dawn Newspaper. July.
Sind Wildlife Management Board (1986). Hal eji Lake. Oscar Advertising Company. Karachi.
World Resource Institute (1997). A Guide to the Global Environment - The Urban Environment. World Resources Report 1996-1997. Washington D.C.
WWF (1987). The Green Gold. Information Booklet. The World Wide Fund for Nature. Karachi.

Interviews

Dr. Ijaz and Mr. Ali Hasnain, World Wide Fund for Nature, Karachi. Mr. Anwar Rashid, Director of OPP at Orangi Town
Mr. Tahir Qureshi, IUCN, Division Forest Officer, Government of Sindh. Mr. Vakil Ahmed, HUBCO
Mr. Kamal Shehryar, Pakistan Tanneries Association
Mr. Izhar-ul-Haq, NEC
Tannery workers and Korangi community representatives
Mr. Iqtidar Saeed, Project Manager, FFC Jordan

Urban Transport and Sustainable Transport Strategies:


http://qhxb.lib.tsinghua.edu.cn/myweb/english/2007/2007e3/309-317.pdf




TSINGHUA SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
ISSN  1007-0214  12 /18  pp309-317
V o l  u m e 1 2 , N u  m b e r 3 , J  u n e 2 0 0 7
Urban Transport and Sustainable Transport Strategies:
A Case Study of Karachi, Pakistan
*
Intikhab Ahmed Qureshi, LU Huapu (陆化普)
 **
Institute of Transportation Engineering, Tsinghua University, Beijing 100084, China
Abstract: The uncontrolled growth in urbanization and motorization generally contributes to an urban land
use and transportation system that is socially, economically, and environmentally unsustainable. This paper
uses Karachi as a case study, which is the largest urban and economic centre of Pakistan, passing through
an uncontrolled phase of rapid urbanization and motorization. The paper first reviews research related to
sustainable transportation systems to comprehend the concept of sustainable development and transportation. The paper then evaluates the existing transportation and infrastructure system, national transportation
policies, and urban transportation projects to determine if the current paradigm is moving toward or away
from sustainable transportation. Furthermore, the principles for sustainable urban transportation are developed to see what significance national transportation policies have given to urban transportation from a sustainable transportation point of view. Finally some strategies are suggested, adoption of which may lead to a
sustainable urban development and transportation system in Karachi.
Key words:  sustainable development; urbanization; motorization; socio-economic; integrated land use and
urban transportation system


Introduction
Urban transportation is a pressing concern in mega cities around the world. The rapid urbanization and motorization in these cities have a direct impact on sustainable development. The transport sector’s energy
consumption and greenhouse gas emissions will likely
be doubled by the year 2025
[1]
 Moreover, the environmental and social impacts of urban transportation .
are increasingly being seen as a menace to the sustainability of the global ecology
[2]
 .
The mitigation of transportation externalities requires a shift towards sustainable transportation systems. The idea of sustainable transportation emerges from the concept of sustainable development in the
transport sector and can be defined as follows
[3]
, “Sustainable transportation infrastructure and travel policies
that serve multiple goals of economic development,
environment stewardship and social equity, have the
objective to optimize the use of transportation systems
to achieve economic and related social and environmental goals, without sacrificing the ability of future
generations to achieve the same goals”.
Adoption of the principles of sustainable transportation has become more important in Karachi, where the
inefficient public transportation system and rising incomes have stimulated the demand for personal mobility with increased automobile ownership and use.
Growing motorization combined with inadequate traffic management strategies, an aging and ill maintained
vehicle stock, and inadequate land use and transportation planning, has all led to a significant level of traffic
congestion resulting in longer travel times, additional  .

fuel consumption, high pollution levels, and a deteriorating urban environment that has a direct bearing on
sustainable development.
The concept of sustainable development and sustainable transportation systems can be understood by
exploring their evolution. In the 18th century economist and philosopher Thomas Malthus hypothesized
that improvements in the quality of life would stimulate population surges that would outpace increases in
the means of subsistence
[4]
 The term sustainable development was first used by World Conservation Strategy (WCS) in 1980 to emphasize the significance of  .
resource conservation without which humanity has no
future
[5]
 Sustainable transportation is an expression of .
sustainable development in the transport sector. A review of the literature has shown a growing emphasis
on developing sustainable transportation systems as
well as policy-oriented studies
[5-7]
 to address transportation related negative externalities such as air and
noise pollution, accidents, congestion and social exclusion, and to meet current and future mobility and accessibility needs without creating excessive negative
externalities. The reviews also established that sustainable transportation systems require a dynamic balance
between the main pillars of sustainable development,
i.e., environmental protection, social equity, and economic efficiency for current and future generations
[8-10]
 .
Balancing of the various economic, social, and environmental factors is difficult so various attempts have
been made
[8,11,12]
 to list indicators that may assist examination of the sustainability of transportation systems. However, one deficiency in the literature seems
to be the lack of consensus on which policies or initiatives will result in a sustainable transportation system,
while another deficiency is the lack of social aspects/indicators because of a lack of knowledge and of
techniques for assessing the social impact of transportation system changes.

The research is based on a case study of Karachi,
Pakistan. Karachi is a mega city having a population of
over 14 million. The city is the financial and business
hub of Pakistan and being the only port city, serves
Pakistan and the landlocked central Asian countries.
The study using available data evaluates the city’s urban development, transport and infrastructure systems,
environmental situation, transport policies, and transport projects. This evaluation seeks to identify if the
current paradigm is moving the city towards or away
from sustainable transportation. Some strategies are
suggested based on the evaluation.
1  Overview of Karachi’s Urban
Development
Karachi is characterized by an accelerating rate of suburban growth. Its growth rate has been phenomenal as
shown in Table 1. The city has seen a 35-fold increase
in its population and an almost 16-fold increase in its
spatial expansion since the emergence of Pakistan.
Moreover, estimates are that by the year 2015, the city
may reach a population of 19.2 million with an annual
growth rate of over 5%
[13]
 .
Table 1  Karachi metropolitan population and area
growth rates1111111111111111111
Year Population (million) Area (km
2
 (
1947   0.4    233
1981    5.3   1994
1998    9.8    3527
2004    14.0   3566

The population density of the city according to the
1998 census is tabulated in Table 2, which shows that
the density of different areas varies from the central
city (33 014 persons/km
2
) to the outskirts (433 persons/km
2
). Karachi is basically a mono centric city
where over 70% of the business services and about half



Table 2  Area, population, and population density of Karachi in 1998
[14]
Location
Area
(km
2
 (
Population
(persons)
Density
(persons/ km
2
 (
Urban propor-
tion (%)
Karachi East 139   2 746 014    19 756    100.0
Karachi West 929   2 105923     2267      190.7
Karachi South 122   1 745038     14 304    100.0
Karachi Central 69    2 277931     33 014      100.0
Malir 2268    981 412     433         67.3
Total    3527        9 856 318  


of the retail trade and personal services are located in
the central business district (CBD). About 50% of the
employment in the wholesale trade and transport sector
is in the CBD.
Rapid population growth and spatial expansion have
led to a sharp increase in demand for urban transport
facilities and services as the densification and spatial
expansion have occurred with no development planning. Since 1949 five development plans have been
prepared for Karachi
[15]
, but never implemented. As a
consequence the city suffers from a chronic shortage of
basic facilities like dwelling units, water supply, electricity, and public transport. The shortage of dwelling
units has been largely responsible for the emergence of
squatter settlements. At present, about 55% of the total
population resides in these squatter settlements
[16]
 The .
socio-economic and environmental conditions in these
settlements are dismal with the majority of these squatter settlements located far from the major job markets.
The residents of these areas are poor and are captive
riders of limited and low quality public transport
services.

2  Evaluation of Transportation and
Infrastructure Systems
The increased urbanization and economic growth in
the city has put a tremendous pressure on travel demands. The increased demand has quickly filled the
roadway infrastructure as about 33%  of  all  motorized
vehicles in the country throng on its roads and    
expressways.
Figure 1 shows that in 2002 the total registered vehicles and cars were growing at twice the growth rate
of the population while Fig. 2 shows that the vehicle
fleet is dominated by cars and motorcycles, which account for 92% of the vehicles as compared to 6% for
para transit vehicles and 2% for public transport vehicles. This rapid rise in personal vehicle ownership and
the lack of economic instruments, such as charged
parking and road pricing, has led to enormous congestion especially in the central part of the city which increases the average commute travel time in Karachi by
over 45 min.

2  Lyari expressway and Northern bypass
The construction of the 32.1 km long 4 lane Lyari expressway will improve inner city vehicular movement,
while the 57 km long 6 lane Northern bypass planned
to divert heavy upcountry traffic outside the city will
hopefully ease traffic pressure in the city and will give
a much cleaner and pleasant environment to the people.
Moreover, for fiscal year 2005-2006, the city government has approved Rupees 6.00 billion (US$ 100 million) for construction of roads, bridges, flyovers, under
passes, bus terminals, and other development works
[26]
and US$ 225 million for construction of a 24-km-long
elevated expressway
[27]
 However, the current modernization of the transport infrastructure (construction .
of the elevated expressway, underpasses, flyovers, etc.)
which seeks to solve Karachi’s traffic congestion will
provide no more than temporary relief. The experience
of other mega cities suggests that a huge investment on
construction of high capacity roads and the provision
of a large number of flyovers and underpasses will not
mitigate traffic congestion or enhance vehicle speed.
For example, the congestion in Beijing can be quantified from the declining vehicle speeds from 45 km/h in
1994 to 10 km/h in 2005 especially between the second
and third ring roads, which is now extending beyond

fourth ring road and along major radial and arterial
roads
[28]
 .
5.3  Rail-based mass transit system
A rail-based mass transit master plan has identified
three corridors with the revival of the KCR as an integral part of the system. The whole project will be built
on the Build Operate Transfer (BOT) basis. Figure 4
shows that Corridor 1 that runs northeast and southwest will be constructed in two stages. Stage one is a
15.2-km route which will have some elevated and
some underground portions, with Stage two extending
the system to another 8 km. Corridor 2 will have a
13.4-km line along the north and south axis of the city.
The KCR line needs revitalization for 50 km of length.
Fig. 4  Priority corridors of rail-based mass transit
system
[20]
6  Suggested Strategies
The evaluation of the transport and infrastructure system, transport policies, and development projects for
the Karachi urban transportation system in Sections 2,
4, and 5 leads to some strategies for sustainable development of the transportation system in Karachi. Suggested strategies on urban  transportation system are
evaluated in Table 7.
6.1  Change the urban form and land use patterns
Karachi is basically a mono centric city where a large
proportion of activities are carried out in the CBD resulting in a great mismatch between jobs and residence
locations. To avoid overdevelopment of the CBD the
urban functions should be decentralized by developing
new urban areas and urban fringes by constructing
multiple business areas. Moreover, these multiple centers should be developed on the principles of    
smart growth which requires balance between  job  and








Thursday, 24 March 2011

The fast growing megacity Karachi as a frontier of environimental challenges



http://www.academicjournals.org/jgrp/PDF/pdf2010/Nov/Qureshi.pdf




Full Length Research Paper


The fast growing megacity Karachi as a frontier of
environimental challenges: Urbanization and
contemporary urbanism issues
Salman Qureshi

The megacity Karachi, as a globalized complex, is the business capital of Pakistan and had been the
federal capital until 1958. It is one of the most important cities of the world in terms of population,
economic potential and geo-strategic location. A growing body of infrastructural development during
this decade has thoroughly changed the landscape of the city. The recent development pattern
proclaims it as one of the most fashionable and futuristic global city. On one side, it accommodates
more than 539 squatter settlements and at the same time, the sky scrapers in the city serves as
business and technological parks for the country as a whole. Several researches, supporting
authorities and scientists, are focusing on megacities as unique ecosystems worldwide. Unfortunately,
Karachi seems abortive in attracting the focus of the scientific community. This paper aims to present a
synoptic view of this city by highlighting the contemporary urbanism issues like urbanization trend,
environmental quality (physical and built), socio-cultural imbalance, economic settings and urban
planning and it is further substantiated with an overview of geography and administrative skeleton. The
rebirth of the city’s landscape (after the administrative devolution in 2001) has been discussed
discretely. An effort has been made to represent explicit urban indicators which could assist to have a
generalized perception about the important elements and characteristics of the city. However, a major
approach is to underline the sensitivity of Karachi as a challenge for environmental and urban planning
and an acute opportunity of research, where the discussion embarks on the requirement of thorough
transdisciplinary approaches to study such urban systems.
Key words: Sindh, Pakistan, megacity, sustainable development, mega urbanization, urban regeneration,
urbanism.


INTRODUCTION
Megacities are special ecosystems with complex landuse that sometimes function with predetermined plans.
Nevertheless, it expands with paradigmatic phenomenon.
This expansion seems to be multifaceted more in
developing countries where the urban population is
increasing with substantial rate (Qureshi and Breuste,
2009). Demographic trend insinuates that urban areas
will increasingly become the primary habitat for humans.
Although their consumption of resources reaches into
diverse ecosystems near and far (Wu, 2008),
unfortunately, their role in global sustainability is not yet
recognized profoundly. Cities themselves present both
the problems and solutions to sustainability challenges of

an increasingly urbanized world (Grimm et al., 2008).
Specifically, the megacities are ‘laboratories’ in which
solutions for environmental challenges can and should be
developed (Kraas, 2007).
Karachi is a mushroom city, ever expanding over a
tract of sand and its edges submerged for extensive
distances to different depths at different states of the tide.
Karachi, the business capital of Pakistan, is the capital
city of the Sindh province. It has been referred to as the
“Glory of the East”, “City of Lights”, “Liverpool of India
and Pakistan” (Pithawalla, 1950) and the “Bride of the
cities” (Kazmi et al., 2008). The metropolitan area along
with its suburbs spreads over 3530 sqkm, having an estimated population of 18 million (CDGK, 2007). In
future, it could be the second largest city of the world
(Butler, 2005), because it is expecting to accommodate
27.5 million people in 2020 (CDGK-MPGO, 2007). It rose
to be the first airport and the third seaport of the
undivided India within a brief period of 100 years, having
been formerly established by Sir Charles Napier in 1843
(Pithawala et al., 1946). As a major revenue generator,
Karachi contributes substantially to the national
exchequer and the provincial revenues. Karachi, with its
enormous potential to serve the country, is now emerging
as a globalized complex in competition with other
regional centers of similar order. Numerous studies have
been conducted by several local researchers, but presented with specified objective approach. It is worth saying
that this city needs scientific studies based on strong
socio-ecological principles and transdisciplinary approach
to fulfil the need of ecosystem balance in the region.
The objective of the paper is to outline the state of
ecological and social settings of the city that could help to
alleviate the understanding of the environmental
challenges faced by this colossal ecosystem. The
ultimate objective is to highlight Karachi as an
unexploited opportunity of urbanism research which
needs a pluralistic socio-ecological framework to handle
the challenges of unprecedented urban growth. The
paper is structured in a form where it gives a glimpse of
its historical development, the physical and geo-strategic
location and demographic lineaments. It helped to
develop a synopsis of the socio-economic trend and the
infrastructural development of the city besides the
challenges faced by the physical environment as an
offshoot land-use changes. The paper concludes on
remarks made on the prognosis of the challenges faced
by the city and scientific researchers.

BRIEF HISTORY
A glance at the literature suggests that Karachi was setup
in 1728 - 29 by Hindu fishermen and merchants at the
northern coast of the Arabian Sea (GOP, 1981). A
historical account on Karachi has been reported by
Hasan (1999) starting from the year 1728, though (Khan,
1979) factually claims it as a city existing from Neolithic
age and pre-historic times. Former names of the city had
been ‘Kalachi Jo Goth

or ‘Kalachi Jo Kuh’, which later
became ‘Kalachi’ (sometimes referred to as Kolachi) until
the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1839, the British
Army occupied Karachi and its strategic importance was
immediately identified as it became the first airport of the
undivided India (subcontinent) in 1843 and an important
administrative seat for the British Empire. The British
developed the irrigation system in the whole province
during these years. Later in 1870, it was connected to
Punjab with the railway link for mobilizing agricultural
products to the port and within the country. So, these
three main factors such as: irrigation system, railway link

along with air and sea ports became the reasons for the
development of Karachi as the main attraction for the
people around. In 1869, Karachi became the largest
exporter of wheat and cotton to Indian territories (Hasan
and Mohib, 2003). During the first and second world
wars, Karachi played an important role for the landing
troops and munitions of the British and also as
cantonments.
In 1947, the independence year of Pakistan, Karachi
became the first capital of the newly founded Pakistan
(West). From independence till 1951, migrants kept
coming and started settling into squatter settlements.
Within a span of four years, more than 600,000 refugees
moved-in from India and as a result, Karachi became an
ecumenical of cultures. During 1958, it was decided that
the capital should be shifted to Islamabad, but Karachi
remained the capital of Sindh province. Islamabad started
and completed functioning as capital from 1961, though
Karachi never loses its industrial, business and financial
capital character. Predominant urban growth was mainly
because of the migrants and refugees. In 1971, a huge
number of refugees migrated from East Pakistan (current
Bangladesh) and similarly in the 80s from Afghanistan.
Census in 1981 revealed a total of 1.72 million refugees
in Karachi with more than 2.15 million in 1998 (Hasan
and Mohib, 2003; GOP, 2000). Most of these migrants
are settled in the squatter settlements, which is itself a
challenge for the authorities.
Geographical settings
Location and administrative structure
Karachi, as a recently reformed district, lays
geographically in between 24°45’ N to 25°37’ N and 66°
42’ E to 67° 34’ E. It is situated 80 miles due west of
Indus river mouth. It is surrounded by the Dadu District in
the North and Northeast and the Thatta District in the
East, while in the South and Southwest by the Arabian
Sea and in the Northwest by the Lasbela District
(Balochistan province). Undoubtfully, it is one of the most
favourable geo-strategic situations, as a centre of three
great continents, Europe, Africa and Asia (Figure 1). Until
2001, Karachi was considered as ‘division’ and
comprises five administrative districts such as: Karachi
East, Karachi West, Karachi South, Karachi Central and
Malir (Figure 1). From August 2001, it has been
subdivided into 18 towns, each having Union Councils
(UC) as further subdivision. Karachi has total 178 UCs,
having population around 55 to 65 thousand people each.
It was promulgated by the federal government under
Sindh Local Government Ordinance - 2001 (NRB-GOP,
2001) and has provided unprecedented opportunity to the
City District Government Karachi (CDGK) to steer and
guide the growth of the country’s commercial and
business capital more independently. As such, the

organizational structure of the CDGK is quite detailed and
complex (Figure 2).
Physiography and climate
Physiographically, Karachi can be divided into two broad
categories: the hilly areas in the north and west and an
undulating plain and coastal area in the south-east
(Figure 3a). The north-western hilly portion is covered by
the Kirthar Range, which lies north-and-south and is
connected with the Pabb Range, which extends
northward and is parallel to the Kirthar Range. Most of
the hills range from 400 to 800 feet in height. From
Southeast of the city to the North, there is another series
of low hills, which is extending north-westward. These
hills are 96 to 200 feet high. Three major rivers such as:
Malir, Layari and Hub, flow through Karachi which marks
the physical characteristics of the city. The Malir flows in
the east of Karachi, the Layari flows through the heart of
the city and the Hub lies 30 km to the west and flows
along Karachi Lasbela boundary. South of the city is
connected with Arabian sea, whereas the east-south-east
lies in a vast expanse of mud-flats, sandbanks and
mangrove swamps, intersected by a complicated system
of ramifying creeks and inlets (Pithawala et al., 1946).
Karachi can formally be considered as a region with
temperate climatic conditions with generally high humidity
that intensifies the conditions for the dwellers, in which
the relative humidity varies from 58% in December (the
driest month) to 85% in August (the wettest month).
Karachi endures a long hot season from March to
October and in July and August, temperatures are
moderate because of monsoon winds. The winds in
Karachi for more than half the year, including the
monsoons, blow south-west to west, while the wind in
winter changes to east and north-east. Average wind
velocity in winter is 6.5 miles per h which in overall, is
considered as low wind. Rainfall in Karachi is meagre as
well as quite variable. Its geographical location is not
favourable to receive even sufficient seasonal monsoonal
rainfall. Average rainfall is less than 200 mm. Maximum is
received in July and August, but is irregular. During
recent years, a certain change in the rainfall has been
observed with an average of over 250 mm and it may rain
heavily within a short span of 48 years. There are some
local disturbances due to conventional currents and
contrasts of weather conditions, such as high
temperatures, diurnal ranges and differences in humidity,
which cause thunderstorms, dust storms and squally
weather during the transition stage between the two seasons, such as March to May and September to November
(Pithawala et al., 1946; Arsalan, 2002) (Figure 3b).
URBANIZATION AND DEMOGRAPHIC PROGNOSIS
It is a cosmopolitan city, inhabited by people with culturally





Ecological disturbances due to high cutback in the green infrastructure of Karachi:







Ecological disturbances due to high cutback in the green infrastructure of Karachi: Analyses of public perception about associated health problems
Salman QureshiabCorresponding Author Contact InformationE-mail The Corresponding AuthorE-mail The Corresponding Author, Syed Jamil Hasan Kazmib and Jürgen H. Breustea
a Department of Geography and Geology, University of Salzburg, Hellbrunnerstrasse 34, Salzburg 5020, Austria
b Department of Geography, University of Karachi, University Road, Karachi 75270, Pakistan

Available online 24 September 2009. 

Abstract

This paper evaluates the changes to the green infrastructure of the megacity of Karachi, Pakistan, occurring during a period of rapid development, involving extensive loss of trees and green spaces since 2000, occurring as a consequence of road widening and improvements to the city's transport infrastructure, aggravated by a series of cyclones, involving further tree loss and which has led to numerous ecological problems in the city, assessing how the effect of the reduction of Karachi's green infrastructure has impacted both the reality and the perception of human health conditions. It uses medium-resolution satellite images classified for land use and land cover (LULC) data extraction and detailed field surveys to map the extent of change; structured questionnaires are used to identify the perception of selected, targeted groups regarding the state of Karachi's urban green infrastructure and perceived human health conditions. Findings indicate that the public perception of green space functionality or presence does not equate with the remote sensing and field mapping results, which show a dramatic loss. The need to develop a comprehensive urban greening strategy, which considers the needs and priorities of the population, is identified. The impact of such a strategy in terms of increased frequency of visits to green sites and associated increase in the physical activity of the people to improve overall physical health is discussed in relation to the general development of Karachi.
Keywords: Environmental psychologists; Health perception; Nature perception; Urban ecology; Urban forest; Urban green

Article Outline

Introduction
Study area and problem
Methodology
Remote sensing and GPS survey
Selection of research sites
Site 1 – Bagh-e-Ibne Qasim and Beach view Park
Site 2 – Askari Park
Site 3 – Karachi Zoological Garden (Gandhi Garden)
Health analysis
Structure and implementation strategy of survey
Results and discussion
Changes in green infrastructures (remote-sensing results)
Public perception about green infrastructure and health (survey results)
Conclusion
Acknowledgements
References